Es un blog literario dedicado íntegramante a destacar la figura de Heberto Padilla, escritor, poeta y hombre de pensamiento dentro del marco de las letras cubanas, así como, develar la génesis y las consecuencias dentro de la cultura hispana y universal del llamado Caso Padilla. Es nuestra intención acopiar documentos éditos e inéditos sobre el particular a modo de esclarecer las circunstancias que rodearon este momentum histórico y preservarlo como legado a las generaciones más jóvenes de escritores, poetas y artistas cubanos e hispanohablantes en general.

martes, 28 de marzo de 2017

Querido amigos:  Ya pueden adquirir un ejemplar del número de Primavera de Linden Lane Magazine en Amazon. Sólo tienen que tocar en el enlace:
Linden Lane Magazine Spring 2017, Vol 36 # 1
Benigno Nieto, Hedy Habra, Felipe Lázaro, Arién Peña Pupo, Humberto Arenal,  Robert Lima, Jorge Menéndez,  Francis Sánchez,  José Abreu Felippe.
Ilustrado por Hedy Habra,  Emilio Mozo,  Isabella Weissbert Maggi y Sergio Chávez
List Price: $15.00
8.5" x 11" (21.59 x 27.94 cm) 
Full Color on White paper
40 pages
ISBN-13: 978-1544969077 (CreateSpace-Assigned) 
ISBN-10: 1544969074 
BISAC: Literary Collections / Caribbean & Latin American

sábado, 25 de marzo de 2017

Conchita Bouza
Ronald Reagan
In 1980 a Cuban scholar named Heberto Padilla came to the United States after spending 20 years under Castro. He marveled at what he saw, something that he hadn't even noticed during his visit here 20 years ago. When visiting the campuses of our major universities, he said, "I am struck by something that will be obvious to all Americans: No one, government official or colleague, has asked me what I was going to say in the seminars and courses that I'm going to give this fall. This is new for me. Simple, but true. It is difficult to ask anyone born into freedom to realize exactly what she or he possesses."
Well, Mr. Padilla went on to explain that freedom is invisible. It is the absence of the government censor, the absence of the secret police, the absence of an agent of repression.
United States
The American Presidency Project
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Thank you. Thank you all very much. Senator Hawkins, Members of the Congress, Jorge Mas, Carlos Salman, ladies and gentlemen:
It's a great pleasure for me to be with a group of Americans who have demonstrated how much can be accomplished when people are free. Many of you arrived in this country with little more than the shirts on your backs and a desire to improve your well-being and that of your family. You came with a willingness to work and, yes, a consuming passion for liberty. There's a name for this kind of spirit. It's called the American spirit, and there's no limit to what it can do.
But let me interrupt myself here and say something about that American spirit. We could also say it's a Western Hemisphere spirit, because one of the great, unique things about this Western Hemisphere is that in all of our countries—yours, from the islands of the Caribbean to South, to Central America, and to North America, from the South Pole to the North Pole, with all of our countries, we can cross the boundary line into another country, and we're still surrounded by Americans, because we are all Americans here in the Western Hemisphere.
Examples of this spirit abound. Jorge Mas, chairman of the Cuban American National Foundation, came here 20 years ago, worked as a milkman to support himself. Today he owns a construction company that provides hundreds of people with meaningful employment. And when he isn't running his country—or company, he's immersed in activities like this one, trying to protect the freedom that has been so important in his life. Jorge Mas, thank you for all that you've done and all you're doing.
But Jorge's success story is no isolated example. There are so many. You know them—people like Armando Codina who came here alone as a child, his parents unable to leave Cuba, so he was sent to an orphanage and then to a foster home. It took courage for this little' boy to begin his new life. But now, at 35, he has a string of business accomplishments of which any individual many years his senior would be proud.
The world renowned ballet dancer, Fernando Bujones, is a Cuban American.
In my administration, we have Jose Manuel Casanova. He is the United States Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank.
And I have an announcement to make today that concerns another outstanding Cuban American, Dr. Jose Sorzano. He is currently our Representative on the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. He's a distinguished scholar, specializing in political philosophy, history, and Latin America. And I want you to know—to be the first to know—that I intend to nominate Dr. Sorzano to be one of our nation's highest diplomats, to the post of Deputy U.S. Representative to the United Nations.
One of the TV cameramen with us today is Eduardo Suarez. He came to America just a few short years ago and recently won a Florida Emmy for his excellence as a television news photographer. Eduardo, congratulations.
The list goes on and on. People from every walk of life, of every race and family background, have made their mark in just about every corner of American society. A few months ago, I was honored to welcome to the White House a famous runner, Alberto Salazar. I didn't know what to say. He gave me a pair of running shoes— [laughter] —but I'm not sure what kind of a race he wanted me to run in. [Laughter]
Clearly, this country in America, the United States, has been good for you. But you have also been good for all of America and for the United States and for Miami. And I add, and for Miami. Twenty-five years ago, there were those who thought Miami had reached its peak and was on the way down. The economy seemed stagnant. There was little hope in sight. Today, Miami is a vibrant international center, a gateway to Latin America.
The stark contrast between your life and that of the neighbors and loved ones that you left behind in Cuba stands as evidence to the relationship between freedom and prosperity.
About 10 million people still live in Cuba, as compared to about I million Cuban Americans—people with the same traditions and cultural heritage, yet the Cubans in the United States, with only one-tenth the number, produce almost two times the wealth of those they left behind. So, don't let anyone fool you: What's happening in Cuba is not a failure of the Cuban people; it's a failure of Fidel Castro and of communism.
The Soviet Union with all its military might, with its massive subsidy of the Cuban economy, can't make the system produce anything but repression and terror.
It reminds me of the story—I happen to collect stories that the Soviet people are telling each other, the Russian people. It indicates their cynicism with their own system. This is a story of a. commissar who visited one of their collective farms, and he stopped the first farmer, workman that he met, and he asked about life on the farm. And the man said, "It's wonderful. I've never heard anyone complain about anything since I've been here." And the commissar then said, "Well, what about the crops? .... Oh," he said, "the crops are wonderful." "What about the potatoes? .... Oh, sir," he said, "the potatoes," he said, "there are so many that if we put them in one pile they would touch the foot of God." And the commissar said, "Just a minute. In the Soviet Union there is no God." And the farmer said, "Well, there are no potatoes either." [Laughter]
Cuban Americans understand perhaps better than many of their fellow citizens that freedom is not just the heritage of the people of the United States. It is the birthright of the people of this hemisphere. We in the Americas are descended from hearty souls—pioneers, men and women with the courage to leave the familiar and start fresh in this, the New World. We are, by and large, people who share the same fundamental values of God, family, work, freedom, democracy, and justice. Perhaps the greatest tie between us can be seen in the incredible number of cathedrals and churches found throughout the hemisphere. Our forefathers took the worship of God seriously.
Our struggles for independence and the fervor for liberty unleashed by these noble endeavors bind the people of the New World together. In the annals of human freedom, names like Bolivar and Marti rank equally with Jefferson and Washington. These were individuals of courage and dignity, and they left for us a legacy, a treasure beyond all imagination.
But today, a new colonialism threatens the Americas. Insurgents, armed and directed by a faraway power, seek to impose a philosophy that is alien to everything which we believe and goes against our birthright. It's a philosophy that holds truth and liberty in contempt and is a self-declared enemy of the worship of God. Wherever put into practice, it has brought repression and human deprivation. There is no clearer example of this than Cuba.
The people of Cuba have seen their strong independent labor movement-which existed before 1959—destroyed by a regime that shouts slogans about its concern for the workers; the suppression of the church, including the right of the church to broadcast and print God's word. It is a new fascist regime, where freedom of speech and press of every opposition group has been stamped into the ground with ideological zeal. And it doesn't stop there. Young Cubans are pressed into the military and sent to faraway lands, where hundreds have been killed, to do the bidding of a foreign government, defiling their hands with the blood of others, not serving their own interests, but propping up leaders who have no popular support.
But the people of Central America, with our support, have chosen a different course—freedom, pluralism, and free economic development. They, and we, are committed to this course and will not tolerate Mr. Castro's efforts to prevent it. They, and we, want Central America for Central Americans, and that's the way it's going to be.
The declining Castro economy continues to make a grotesque joke out of the ideological claims that Marxism is for the people. Nearly a quarter of a century after the Cuban revolution, the Cuban people continue to face shortages and rationing of basic necessities. Once one of the most prosperous countries in all of Latin America, it is rapidly becoming the most economically backward in the region, thanks to the Communist system.
You know, they say there are only two places where communism works: in heaven, where they don't need it— [laughter] —and in hell, where they've already got it. [Laughter]
And now, there is strong evidence that Castro officials are involved in the drug trade, peddling drugs like criminals, profiting on the misery of the addicted. I would like to take this opportunity to call on the Castro regime for an accounting. Is this drug peddling simply the act of renegade officials?, or is it officially sanctioned by the present Government of Cuba? The world deserves an answer.
On this day, we celebrate Cuban independence, something special for the people of the United States as well as Cuba. Eighty-five years ago, we joined together and fought side by side, shedding our blood to free Cuba from the yoke of colonialism. Sadly, we must acknowledge that Cuba is no longer independent. But let me assure you: We will not let this same fate befall others in the hemisphere. We will not permit the Soviets and their henchmen in Havana to deprive others of their freedom. We will not allow them to do that to others. And some day Cuba, itself, will be free.
The United States stands at a crossroads. We can no longer ignore this hemisphere and simply hope for the best. Jose Marti, the hero of Cuban independence, a man who spent so many years of his life with us in the United States, said it well: "It is not enough to come to the defense of freedom with epic and intermittent efforts when it is threatened at moments that appear critical. Every moment is critical for the preservation of freedom."
Now is the time to act reasonably and decisively to avert a crisis and prevent other people from suffering the same fate as your brothers and sisters in Cuba. Ironically, our biggest obstacle is not foreign threats, but a lack of confidence and understanding. There are far too many trying to find excuses to do nothing. If we are immobilized by fear or apathy by those who suggest that because our friends are imperfect, we shouldn't help them, if those trying to throw roadblocks in our path succeed and interpose themselves at a time when a crisis could still be averted, the American people will know who is responsible and judge them accordingly.
But as I told the Congress a few weeks ago, we've still got time, and there is much that can be done. The Congress can, for example, enact those trade and tax provisions of the Caribbean Basin Initiative that will put the power of free enterprise to work in the Caribbean. The Congress rightly believes that we must not totally focus our efforts on building the military capabilities of our friends. I agree. That's why 75 percent of what we've asked for is economic, not military aid.
But we must realize that our friends cannot be expected to stand unarmed against insurgents who've been armed to the teeth by the Soviet-Cuban-Nicaraguan axis. Any excuse for not providing our friends the weapons they need to defend themselves is a prescription for disaster. And again, those who advocate ignoring the legitimate defense needs of those under attack will be held accountable if our national security is put in jeopardy.
Teddy Roosevelt is known to have said, "Speak softly and carry a big stick." Well, there are plenty of soft speakers around, but that's where the similarity ends. [Laughter]
Let there be no mistake. What happens in Latin America and the Caribbean will not only affect our nation but also will shape America's image throughout the world. If we cannot act decisively so close to home, who will believe us anywhere? Knowing this, I recently nominated a special envoy, a strong leader, an individual eminently qualified to represent us in this vital region and to work closely with the Congress to ensure the fullest possible bipartisan cooperation. He's a man in whom I have the highest confidence and respect, a man you know well, former Senator Richard Stone.
When Senator Stone is confirmed, he will be directly involved with those seeking regional solutions to the problems in Central America. We are fully supportive of good faith efforts like the so-called Contadora Group, seeking to calm tensions and avert conflict. We hope that they'll be able to make progress, and we welcome the participation of all nations in the Americas who have a vital stake in Central America.
There is, of course, one top priority item on the agenda I've yet to mention. The Cuban people, as is the case in most Communist dictatorships, have been cut off from information. Many of the folks who've come to America in recent years, for example, didn't even know that Cuba had tens of thousands of troops in Africa, much less know about the casualties they've suffered. The greatest threats to dictators like Fidel Castro is the truth. And that's why I'm urging the Congress to approve legislation for the establishment of Radio Marti.
And let me state one thing for the record. There have been certain threats made about jamming the frequency of our domestic radio stations should we broadcast to Cuba. Such threats are evidence of the frightened and tyrannical nature of Castro's regime. Well, I can guarantee you today, we will never permit such a government to intimidate us from speaking the truth.
Cuban Americans play a unique role in the preservation of our freedom. Your Hispanic heritage enables you to better relate our good will to our friends in neighboring countries to the south. But you also have a responsibility here at home. I think one of our most dangerous problems in America is that many of our own people take our blessed liberty for granted.
In 1980 a Cuban scholar named Heberto Padilla came to the United States after spending 20 years under Castro. He marveled at what he saw, something that he hadn't even noticed during his visit here 20 years ago. When visiting the campuses of our major universities, he said, "I am struck by something that will be obvious to all Americans: No one, government official or colleague, has asked me what I was going to say in the seminars and courses that I'm going to give this fall. This is new for me. Simple, but true. It is difficult to ask anyone born into freedom to realize exactly what she or he possesses."
Well, Mr. Padilla went on to explain that freedom is invisible. It is the absence of the government censor, the absence of the secret police, the absence of an agent of repression.
You know, I couldn't help but think when those beautiful young people were here singing our two national anthems, so many—and so many of you—only know about the Cuba that some of us know about, the free Cuba, from hearing us talk about it. And you have a great responsibility to make sure that your sons and daughters, growing up, know of that other Cuba and share in your hopes and dreams. And we all have a responsibility to see that our young people in America who have come along at a later time know about a Cuba that was free.
Perhaps the best gift that you can give to your fellow citizens—and you've already contributed so much to our well-being—is a better understanding of that which they cannot see—the human freedom that surrounds them. Perhaps you can help them understand something that you know instinctively—the awesome responsibility that we have as Americans. For if we fail, there will be no place for free men to seek refuge. I'm counting on you to help me explain the threats in Central America, the threats you recognize so clearly.
Each generation of Americans bears this burden, and we're grateful to have you with us, sharing this heavy weight upon your shoulders. Teddy Roosevelt, a man who fought alongside your forefathers for Cuban independence, said, "We, here in America, hold in our hands the hope of the world, the fate of the coming years; and shame and disgrace will be ours if in our eyes the light of high resolve is dimmed, if we trail in the dust the golden hopes of men."
Today, let us pledge ourselves to meet this sacred responsibility. And let us pledge ourselves to the freedom of the noble, long-suffering Cuban people. Viva Cuba Libre. Cuba, si; Castro, no.
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you for having me here with you today, and vaya con Dios.
Note: The President spoke at 1:35 p.m. at the Dade County Auditorium following remarks and an introduction by Senator Paula Hawkins.
Prior to his remarks, the President met at the auditorium with leaders of the Cuban American National Foundation, an independent, nonprofit organization that hosted the celebration in recognition of Cuba's independence from Spain on May 20, 1902. The President then held a separate meeting at the auditorium with Florida Hispanic Republican leaders.
Following the conclusion of his remarks at the celebration, the President returned to Washington, D.C.
Citation: Ronald Reagan: "Remarks at a Cuban Independence Day Celebration in Miami, Florida ," May 20, 1983. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project.

jueves, 4 de agosto de 2016

El Nobel hizo una defensa de la democracia
Vargas Llosa: "Todas las utopías nos han traído fracasos"


"Camarada, tú eres un subhombre", le dijo de golpe un compañero de célula. Corría 1953 y Mario Vargas Llosa, con 18 años, militaba en Cahuide, la chapa del clandestino Partido Comunista Peruano, durante la dictadura de Manuel Odría. Con el marxismo no tenía dudas, pero no podía tragarse el realismo socialista en la literatura. El prefería al poeta W. B. Yeats. Mientras lo defendía fue cuando su camarada lo insultó. Fue una de las razones por las cuales terminó abandonando el partido, pero le costó dejar el ideario. Casi 20 años demoró en desilusionarse del socialismo. "Todos los intentos por arraigar las utopías en sociedad nos han traído fracasos", dice hoy Vargas Llosa.
Lo dijo ayer, de hecho. Ante un repleto auditorio de la Biblioteca Nicanor Parra, de la Universidad Diego Portales, el Nobel peruano pronunció la clase magistral "De la utopía a la libertad" al recibir el grado de Doctor Honoris Causa de dicha casa de estudios. Al presentarlo, el rector de la universidad, Carlos Peña, dijo: "Su obra ha ayudado a generaciones y generaciones de lectores a mantenerse incrédulos ante el poder".
Figura central de la narrativa latinoamericana de los últimos 60 años, Vargas Llosa también ha sido uno de los más activos escritores en el devenir de la política de la región. Fue de ese ámbito de su trayectoria del que echó mano ayer: "Les contaré mi trayecto ideológico desde que era un adolescente hasta la actualidad", dijo, y se lanzó a dar un testimonio que en 40 minutos no recurrió a apuntes de ningún tipo.
Bañado en mugre
Tras sus años en Cahuide, contó, el socialismo volvió a maravillarlo con la Revolución Cubana: "Nos deslumbró". Visitó la isla por primera vez en 1962, para cubrir como periodista la Crisis de los Misiles, y quedó hipnotizado: "Vi un país que parecía vivir en el fervor de la igualdad. Era una revolución libertaria", contó. Lo primero que despertó sus sospechas fueron las Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción, virtuales campos de detención cubanos por los que Vargas Llosa le escribió una carta al propio Fidel Castro. Este lo recibió a él y otras personas para calmar sus dudas: de ocho de la noche a ocho de la mañana les habló. Al escritor no lo convenció.
El quiebre final es conocido: el Caso Padilla, en 1967. Vargas Llosa protestó ante la detención del poeta Heberto Padilla, supuestamente un contrarrevolucionario, y ya para siempre se acabó su adhesión al socialismo. "Fui bañado en mugre", dijo recordando esos años. "Pero recuperé un espacio de libertad que no sabía que había perdido. Nunca desde entonces he dejado de decir lo que pienso", aseguró. Estar en Londres en los años de Margaret Thatcher lo convirtió definitivamente al libre mercado: "Thatcher fue un vendaval revolucionario que sacudió la fibra más íntima de ese país. Nunca lo olvidaré".
Según Vargas Llosa, su ruta política es también la de su continente: "De cierta forma, es la evolución que ha vivido la propia América Latina (...). Por primera vez nuestros gobiernos tienen, con excepción de Cuba y Venezuela, un consenso democrático y a favor del libre mercado", sostuvo. Las sociedades perfectas que persiguen las utopías, añadió, no son posibles. "Solo el arte puede alcanzar la perfección", deslizó.


viernes, 29 de abril de 2016


ABRIL 9, 2016 4:15 AM

Intelectual cubano contestatario Reinaldo Arenas es el foco temático de la revista Linden Lane

Cuenta Belkis Cuza Malé, fundadora y directora de la revista que fue René Cifuentes, quien le sugirió la idea
Lo enriquecen varias fotografías con Arenas, una de ellas, de 1974, en el Parque Lenin donde Reinaldo se refugió, huyendo de la Seguridad del Estado
Todos los artículos van acompañados de fotos, la mayoría inéditas


Read more here:

martes, 28 de abril de 2015

 — con Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo.

miércoles, 18 de marzo de 2015

El 16 de Marzo de 1980 llegó Heberto Padilla a Estados Unidos, tras una larga batalla por su salida de Cuba. Lo había ido a recibir a Montreal, a donde Heberto había viajado desde La Habana, Jan Kalinski, ayudante del senador Edward Kennedy. No fue Gabriel García Márquez, como él afirmó en más de una ocasión, quien consiguió su liberación sino el senador Edward Kennedy, quien junto al escritor Bernard Malamud, entonces presidente del Pen Club Internacional, y tras las gestiones de Bob Silvers, director de The New York Review of Books, escribió a Fidel Castro.
Aquí, este recorte de The New York Times dando noticia de su llegada, y una foto de aquel día tras la conferencia de prensa ofrecida por el senador Kennedy, dándole la bienvenida a Heberto.De izquierda a derecha: Ernesto Padilla, Belkis, Heberto, Giselle Padilla (que hoy cumple años), y el senador Kennedy.
Aunque ya estábamos en la antesala de la primavera, nevó ese día en New York. Entre el frío y la tensión acumulada de más de un año de gestiones para lograr que dejaran salir de Cuba a Heberto, al otro día me vi aquejada de un fuerte catarro. No era para menos: Brenda, una amiga urugüaya de mi comadre Nélida Sánchez, me había prestado ese vestido con el que estoy en la foto, nada apropiado para el clima, pero más elegante que mi ropa de entonces. Vivía yo con mi hijio Ernesto (entonces de 6 años) en Elizabeth, New Jersey, en casa de mis amigas las Arjona, y trabajaba en una tienda de ropa en Elizabeth Ave. Pero como apenas si me alcanzaba para cubrir mis gastos, no tenía dinero para ropa ni nada por el estilo. Recuerdo aquel abrigo de cuadros rojos que me había regalado Anarda Pupo, la vecina de los bajos, y con el que me cubría del frío durante mi caminata matinal al trabajo. Era un abrigo pasado de moda, claro, pero gracias a él pasaba menos frío.
Mi agradecimiento eterno a los que nos ayudaron entonces, a los amigos solidarios, como Nancy y Juan Manuel Pérez Crespo, a la familia Arjona (a la que considero también mi familia), a mis padres (que vivían en Miami), a la poeta Martha Padilla, hermana de Heberto (ya fallecida), a Marthica, mi sobrina. A Nélida Sánchez, mi comadre, quien llevaba y traía a Ernesto de la escuela... A todos, todos, los que me dieron una mano entonces. Y especialmente a Dios, por su amor incondicional, y abrirme las puertas.
El resto de la historia, mis conversaciones con García Márquez, etc., está toda en mi libro La buena memoria, que, con el favor de Dios, espero tener listo pronto.

martes, 27 de enero de 2015

Sebastián Arcos Cazabón leyó uno de los poemas de ‘Fuera del juego’, en una noche dedicada a Heberto Padilla en Casa Bacardí. DAVID SANTIAGO EL NUEVO HERALD

Read more here:

Heberto Padilla escribió poemas en Fuera del juego que revelaban la presión y la censura que sentían los intelectuales en Cuba a finales de los años 1960. Este es uno de los poemas en que advierte la vulnerabilidad del poeta: “Los poetas cubanos ya no sueñan/ (ni siquiera en la noche). / Van a cerrar la puerta para escribir a solas, / cuando cruje, de pronto, la madera; / el viento los empuja al garete; / unas manos los cogen por los hombros, / los voltean, / los ponen frente a frente/ a otras caras / (hundidas en pantanos, ardiendo en el ‘napalm’) / y el mundo encima de sus bocas fluye / y está obligado el ojo a ver, a ver, a ver”.
María Salgado, en un artículo sobre la poética de Padilla en la Revista Iberoamericana (1990), comenta que hay ecos de la poesía de José Martí en Padilla, pero este no se puede permitir ni siquiera el lujo de soñar, sabe que Cuba es parte de un mundo muy complejo, envuelto en muchas luchas globales.
Para recordarlo a la luz de los acontecimientos recientes entre Cuba y Estados Unidos, el PEN Club de Escritores Cubanos en el Exilio y el Instituto de Estudios Cubanos y Cubano Americanos de la Universidad de Miami, ICCAS, se unieron al Center for a Free Cuba (Centro para una Cuba Libre), que propuso un encuentro en la Casa Bacardí, sede de ICCAS titulado: Una noche con la poesía de Heberto Padilla.
La profesora Ileana Fuentes y el poeta Ángel Cuadra presentaron el programa que dirigió Frank Calzón, director del Center for a Free Cuba, y que incluyó la lectura de poemas de Fuera del juego, el libro premiado en la Unión de Escritores y Artistas de Cuba, UNEAC, en 1968 con el premio de poesía Julián del Casal, y que luego llevó a prisión a Padilla. Se habló del impacto de su obra y la reacción de intelectuales alrededor del mundo, que abandonaron la causa cubana por esta vendetta contra el escritor y la que fue su esposa Belkis Cuza Malé. Varios poetas, escritores, y activistas de derechos humanos seleccionaron y leyeron poemas de Fuera del juego al final, entre ellos: Ángel Cuadra, Rosa Maria Payá, Janisset Rivero, Daniel Pedreira y Sebastián Arcos.

Cita fraterna sin tiempo

“Hemos llamado, como a una cita fraterna sin tiempo, a varios poetas para ir al encuentro de Padilla, a su poesía, a su persona, porque hay voces que no debemos dejar que se apaguen por el paso de los años, y se hace necesario reactivar su mensaje en la medida en que el mismo sirva para poder entender mejor un momento significativo en la historia de un país”. Así comenzó su discurso Cuadra, comentando que a la libertad del pensamiento acudió Padilla con su poesía, la que defiende el PEN Club de Escritores. El poeta recordó a Octavio Paz, cuando escribió que “La libertad no es una filosofía y ni siquiera una idea: es un movimiento de la conciencia”.
Curiosamente, el sacrificio de Padilla no fue en vano, pues el mundo de la cultura internacional volvió los ojos hacia Cuba con una actitud crítica, incluyendo al comunista Jean Paul Sartre, quien era en ese momento el líder de la intelectualidad de izquierda. Y muchos de ellos protestaron. Mario Vargas Llosa, José Emilio Pacheco, Susan Sontag, Marguerite Duras,Simone de Beauvoir y otros firmaron una carta en contra del encarcelamiento de Padilla y su esposa, el 20 de marzo de 1971. Con este poema de Padilla sobre su poética cerró Cuadra sus palabras:
“Di la verdad. /Di, al menos, tu verdad. /Y después / deja que cualquier cosa ocurra:/ que te rompan la página querida, / que te tumben a pedradas la puerta,/ que la gente /se amontone delante de tu cuerpo / como si fueras / un prodigio o un muerto”. •